Tuesday 2 April 2019

Evidence-free policy-making is the norm


The main point of Chapman's article is that no adequate process of evaluation has been put in place for this policy.
This quotation, lifted from Chris Snowdon's article about the limiting of stakes on FOBTs (fixed-odds betting terminals) could apply across a huge range of public policies. Worse than this, there is very often no way in which an evaluation can be better than informed opinion or observation.

Take, by way of example, Bradford Council's planning rules on the opening on new hot food takeaways. These rules ban new takeaways within 400m of a school or place that might be widely used by children and young people. To date the latter part of this definition covers parks, playgrounds, halls and community centres. Within the city proper there is almost nowhere (other than the city centre which is exempted from the regulation) where someone can open a hot food takeaway.

I opposed the ban and was told that, despite me pointing out the complete absence of any evidence linking hot food takeaways to child obesity is was (to quote Bradford Council's leader) "common sense" that there is a link. On a later occasion I asked the leader, via a question at full council, how the planning authority intended to measure the effectiveness of the policy. It seemed that they had no plans to do so but, when I pushed the leader, apparently this is part of a "raft" of policies that taken together will be effective in reducing levels of child obesity.

We're told by public policy folk that what they do is "evidence-based" but it seems that, where controlling public behaviour is concerned, there is no need for evidence or a framework for evaluation. When Bradford Council presented its consultation on a new PSPO (public space protection order) across the whole district meant to deal with 'anti-social driving', it was clear that while the things covered by the order - loud music, car cruising, loitering around cars - might be annoying they are not the things that the public consider the real problem: speeding, aggressive driving, road rage. And, just as with the ban on takeaways and the FOBTs stake limit, there is no indication as to how this PSPO will be evaluated so as to assess whether the limiting of civil liberties is justified by a reduction in car-related anti-social behaviour.

We will be having a 'review' but, like other policy reviews, it will feature how many orders were issued, how many people breached the orders and opinion from senior police officers saying how much they value the additional powers.

Finally, by way of example, lots of august bodies and respected individuals have responded positively to the government's consultation on introducing a register of home schooled children.The evidence for there being a need for this? None. But the LGA is keen for local councils to be de facto in charge of your child:
‘A register will help councils to monitor how children are being educated and prevent them from disappearing from the oversight of services designed to keep them safe.’
This is seen as a loophole by local education authorities (which probably should be abolished) and they are using safeguarding as an justification despite the evidence being that homeschooled children are significantly less likely to be abused than children attending regular schools.

It is clear that 'evidence-based policy-making' is almost entirely a myth - public authorities rely instead of expert opinion, referencing themselves and political popularity to justify intervening in private choices and behaviour.

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